The European Union is facing a crucial year when it comes to its enlargement policy. The last country to join the bloc was Croatia back in 2013, and with the United Kingdom leaving in 2020, the EU has actually shrunk for the first time in its history. No countries are expected to join the current 27 member states anytime soon, but there is a real belief in Brussels that the EU enlargement process can be reenergized after nearly a decade of false dawns.
The raised and then dashed hopes in the past were partly because candidate countries -- and potential candidate countries -- in the Western Balkans struggled to implement reforms across various policy fields necessary for membership. Plus, Turkey -- another country aiming to join the bloc -- grew increasingly disinterested and even antagonistic toward the EU.
But another reason was that many established EU member states felt less enthusiastic about further enlargement. Some pointed to the difficult "absorption" of the 10 new member states from Central and Eastern Europe after the 2004 and 2007 enlargements as a reason to slow down further expansion. Others argued that the many crises the club had to grapple with in recent years -- Brexit, increased migration, eurozone wobbles -- took up most of Brussels' attention.
Deep Background: Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 has created a new urgency in Brussels. Last summer, Albania and North Macedonia were finally given the green light to start EU accession talks. However, the biggest development was that the EU, within months of the invasion, recognized that Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine could become members in the future.
That decision in 2022 to grant the latter pair candidate status and Tbilisi potential candidate status was previously unthinkable. The new statuses came with several recommendations -- seven for Ukraine, nine for Moldova, and 12 for Georgia -- that the countries had to fulfill before moving to the next stage in the enlargement process.
An oral update on the three countries' progress is expected to be given by the EU's neighbourhood commissioner, Oliver Varhelyi, in early May before a much-anticipated European Commission enlargement report due in October. While that is still six months away, several people I have spoken to who are familiar with the drafting of the report but are not authorized to speak on the record have suggested that the commission will recommend moving to the next steps with all three countries in their respective paths.
Drilling Down
What You Need To Know: The European Union is slowly starting work on another sanctions package on Russia -- the 11th round of restrictive measures since Moscow's attack on Ukraine last year. Many EU officials privately concede that Brussels is running out of areas to sanction and that future measures most likely will focus on closing various loopholes; looking into how to legally use Russian assets frozen in the bloc -- for example, to help with paying for Ukrainian reconstruction; and making sure that more third countries align with the actions taken by the EU.
There is, however, one area that so far remains untouched by EU sanctions: the nuclear industry. Already last spring, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and Poland proposed targeted measures against the Kremlin's civil nuclear capabilities, but they fell on deaf ears. Now, the four countries are trying again and have circulated a discussion paper among the 27 EU members, seen by RFE/RL, on how the bloc can target Russia's state-owned nuclear energy giant Rosatom by limiting imports of nuclear fuel, stopping new investment into power plants, and restricting exports to Russia that will benefit this industry.
Deep Background: One of the reasons why their proposal might fly this time is that the United Kingdom and the United States have already moved in this direction. Earlier this year, both slapped a visa ban and asset freeze on Oleg Romanenko, the director of the Zaporizhzhya nuclear power plant in southeastern Ukraine, which was captured by Russian forces in March 2022. Ever since, Rosatom has been in control of the plant, the largest in Europe, and the West has been increasingly concerned that Russian forces are using the entire complex as a military base.
Last week, Washington went a step further, sanctioning five entities and one individual associated with Rosatom (though not Rosatom itself), a move which U.S Secretary of State Antony Blinken described as a response to Moscow's use of energy exports to "exert political and economic pressure on its customers globally."
Another reason why it might work this time is that the EU largely is weaning itself off Russian nuclear energy. Last year, the Czech energy company CEZ announced that it wouldn't allow Russian firms to compete for a tender for building new nuclear power units at Dukovany, a nuclear power station in the southeast of the Czech Republic. Finland also canceled a planned nuclear power plant project that would use technologies provided by Rosatom.
Drilling Down
On April 18, the European Parliament is expected to finally vote in favor of visa liberalization for citizens of Kosovo. The decision, which will go into force at the start of 2024, is highly anticipated, as Kosovo is the only country in the Western Balkans that still doesn't enjoy visa-free travel to most EU countries. Others in the region have already enjoyed this benefit for over a decade. EU member states approved the move last month and, after the vote in the parliament, where a huge majority favors approval, there will be a signing ceremony in the Strasbourg chamber, which will symbolically seal the deal.
On April 21, there is another meeting of the Ukraine Defense Contact Group at the Ramstein military base in western Germany, bringing together defense ministers from over 50 countries, notably all 31 NATO allies, with the aim of boosting arms deliveries to Ukraine. And while Kyiv can count on pledges of more ammunition and air-defense systems, it's probably not likely to get modern fighter jets for now. Speaking in Washington, D.C., last week, Ukrainian Prime Minister Denys Shmyhal urged the United States to send F-15s or F-16s as part of a "fighter jet coalition" that he is trying to form with various Western partners. For now, it looks like Kyiv will have to settle for more training possibilities for Ukrainian pilots in various partner countries instead of getting more modern planes.
By RFE/RL
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